Study participants who reported any sexual partners in the past 12 months (85.7% of the men and 88.3% of the women) were asked for the total number of partners, and more detailed information (eg, partner's gender and race/ethnicity, type of partner, and condom use at last sexual encounter) on each of these partners, up to the 6 most recent partners. The mean number of sexual partners for this period was 2.6 for the men and 1.2 for the women. Of the men, 5.8% reported one or more male sexual partners during this period, with an average of 2.1 partners. Most study participants reported having only Latino sexual partners in the past 12 months (90.1% of the men and 97.6% of the women). For the men and women, 62.7% and 65.5%, respectively, reported that they did not have access to condoms when needed, and 64.4% and 80.5%, respectively, reported having at least one vaginal or anal sexual encounter without a condom in the past 12 months. Study participants also reported whether a sexual partner had been a main, casual, one-time, or sex work partner. The percent of condom use at the most recent vaginal or anal sexual encounter with a main partner was 28.8% among the male study participants and 17.9% among the female study participants. Additionally, the percent of condom use at the most recent vaginal or anal sexual encounter with casual, one-time, and sex work partners was 58.2%, 67.2%, and 91.4%, respectively, among the male study participants. Finally, for the men, 52.8% reported having had more than 5 alcoholic drinks in one day in the last 30 days, whereas 19.0% reported methamphetamine or cocaine use in the last 12 months.
Results in Table 2 show a significant increase in the odds of the male Mexican migrants having a sexual partner who was a sex worker after migration [odds ratio (OR) = 2.64, P < 0.0001]. There were also significant increases in the odds of the male Mexican migrants having sexual relations with a partner while under the influence of drugs or alcohol after migration (OR = 5.00, P < 0.0001) and in the odds of the males reporting sex with a male sexual partner after migration (OR = 13.00, P = 0.001). Additionally, there was an increase after migration, although not significant, in the odds of the males exchanging sex for money, food, shelter, protection, drugs, or anything else (OR = 6.00, P = 0.070). In contrast, there was a significant decrease after migration in the odds of the males reporting low condom use (never, rarely, or sometimes use a condom) (OR = 0.21, P < 0.0001). Among the female migrants, although none of the changes after migration were found to be significant, the direction of the change after migration, either an increase or decrease, for each behavior was comparable to the results for the men.
Table 3 shows the changes after migration in these HIV high-risk behaviors among the 364 male Mexican migrants, stratified by the venues where they were recruited: male work venues, community venues, and high-risk behavior venues. The largest increase in the odds of engaging in sex with a sex worker after migration was among the men in the male work venues (OR = 2.94, P < 0.0001). With regard to the men engaging in sex under the influence of drugs or alcohol, the increase in the odds after migration was significant for all 3 venue types, with the most significant increase occurring among the men sampled in the high-risk behavior venues (OR = 25.47, P < 0.0001). There was a significant increase in the odds of engaging in sex with male sexual partners after migration among the men surveyed in the high-risk behavior venues (OR = 18.26, P = 0.0001), whereas this was not the case for men surveyed in the other venues. With regard to reporting low condom use, the most significant decrease in the odds after migration occurred among the men sampled in the male work venues (OR = 0.19, P = 0.0001).
To test for interaction, “age,” “age at migration,” “length of time living or working in the United States,” “housing,” “years of education,” and “living alone, with family, friends, or acquaintances” were all investigated. Both age and length of time living or working in the United States were determined to be effect modifiers for all 4 of the HIV high-risk behaviors that increased for the men after migration. Table 4 highlights the significant results from our testing for interaction. The most significant increase in the odds of engaging in sex with a sex worker after migration occurred among the men who had been in the United States for more than 5 years (OR = 6.75, P < 0.0001). The most significant increase in the odds of having sexual relations while under the influence of drugs or alcohol after migration occurred among the men between the ages of 18–29 years (OR = 7.83, P < 0.0001). Finally, the most significant increase in the odds of engaging in sex with a male partner after migration also occurred among the men between the ages of 18 and 29 years (OR = 12.49, P = 0.002).
Using a case-crossover study design, we estimated the effect of migration on HIV high-risk behaviors that could potentially lead to an increased risk for HIV infection among migrants. Our results indicated notable increases in the odds of male Mexican migrants adopting HIV high-risk behaviors after migration, even when migrants were well into adulthood. These behaviors included engaging in sex with a sex worker, engaging in sex while under the influence of drugs or alcohol, performing sex work, and having sex with a male partner. Furthermore, we were able to estimate particularly pronounced effects within relevant subgroups of the population, including male migrants, men who have been living or working in the United States for more than 5 years and men from the youngest age cohort.
We stratified by 3 venue types given that the housing conditions, job stability, and isolation from spouses and families for those sampled from these venues so distinctly differed by venue type. Poor housing conditions, job instability, and isolation from spouses and families were more common in the male work venues as compared with the community venues. We found that men enrolled at male work venues reported the greatest increase in having sex with a sex worker after migration. In many instances, this increased sexual activity with sex workers occurred at the actual male work site. For those enrolled from male migrant camps who reported sex with a sex worker in the last 12 months, 16 of the men specifically reported that they had met their sex work partner in their respective male migrant camp. Among married male migrants, 80.2% reported living away from their spouse and among all of the male migrants, only 39.7% reported living with family, as compared with 92.0% of the female migrants. Thus, we found that the majority of our male study participants were isolated from their family and exhibited a significantly increased level of sexual activity with sex workers, particularly men recruited from the exclusively male-populated venues. We found that excessive use of alcohol and methamphetamine or cocaine was common in this male population. With regard to sexual activity while under the influence of drugs or alcohol, we saw a significant increase in the odds after migration across all types of venues, but most significantly among the male-dominated venues. In summary, these results indicate that the male migrants found in these male-dominated venues are at the greatest risk for engaging in high-risk behaviors after migration. Thus, these male migrants are vulnerable to HIV and STI transmission through their work and housing environments and bars and clubs, particularly those settings where women are infrequently present.
Both having been in the United States for more than 5 years and being in the youngest age cohort (18–29 years) were determined to be effect modifiers for all 4 of the HIV high-risk behaviors that increased after migration, but age at time of migration was not an effect modifier. Among Mexican immigrants, the number of years in the United States has been correlated with acculturation, which in turn has arguably been associated with negative health behaviors, such as substance abuse.24,25 In our analysis, the measure of effect of migration on HIV high-risk behaviors was greatest for the subgroup of men who have been in the United States for the longest period of time (more than 5 years). This additional time in the United States potentially allowed for more opportunities to be exposed to environments and practices that can foster high-risk behavior. For many in this study population, the migratory experience included extended periods of time separated from family; poor living conditions in migrant camps, shelters, or shantytowns; constant mobility for the agricultural workers; and extended periods of unemployment. However, the association between acculturation and the levels of HIV high-risk behaviors still remains open to question. Both lower and higher levels of acculturation among Latinos have been reported in the literature as protective against or promoting increased HIV high-risk behaviors.26 Perhaps, this apparent inconsistency is due to the use of the term acculturation to refer to an individual migrant's vast array of experiences, both risk-enhancing and risk-reducing, that may not be interrelated, unidirectional, and are aggregated together because they all occurred while in the United States. Nevertheless, it is interesting that acculturation has been associated with length of time in the United States and that for our analysis, greater time in the United States was associated with increased odds of adopting HIV high-risk behaviors. The magnitude of the effect of migration on HIV high-risk behaviors was also greatest for the youngest subgroup of men. Additionally, a recent population-based survey of young men (18–35 years of age) in 5 counties in California found that Latino immigrants reported considerable HIV high-risk behavior.27 Similarly, the youngest age cohort in our study exhibited the greatest change in HIV high-risk behaviors after migration. Therefore, from an intervention perspective, it should be emphasized that this youngest male subgroup is at the greatest risk for adopting these HIV high-risk behaviors after migration.
In this study, we designed a sampling strategy to recruit participants from a broad range of settings, including work-based, community, and social venues, to survey a fair representation of the types of settings where Mexican migrants live, work, or congregate within San Diego and Fresno Counties. Both rural and urban areas within these counties were selected for this study given their high volume and diversity of Mexican migrants. Therefore, the study participants systematically sampled within the venues should serve as a fair representation of Mexican migrants in California as a whole, which is home to approximately 40% of Mexican migrants in the United States.28 Given both the diversity and transient nature of the Mexican migrant population, our targeted, venue-based sampling methodology captured one of the most comprehensive samples of the Mexican migrant population in the United States to date, but the probability of selection for any individual migrant is not known. Therefore, as in all case-crossover studies with unknown selection probabilities, the constant coefficient in the logistic regression model cannot be estimated without bias, so the target population frequencies cannot be estimated. However, the coefficients of the linear terms can be estimated without bias provided the logistic regression model describes the target population well.16 Because there was no evidence in our data analysis to suggest that the logistic regression model did not describe the target population well, this study provides valid estimates of the relative effect of migration on the odds of engaging in HIV high-risk behaviors.
One limitation of our study is that only 74.2% of the eligible Mexican migrants agreed to participate, and, thus, those who refused enrollment may differ with respect to various characteristics or HIV high-risk behaviors. Additionally, our study population may have underreported street drug use because of a fear of the association with illegal activities. In addition, high-risk sexual behaviors, such as same-sex sexual relations, may have been underreported, given the cultural stigma. Finally, a given participant's inability to accurately remember HIV high-risk behaviors engaged in either before or after migration could result in recall bias. However, 4 of the 5 high-risk behaviors that we were measuring were significant activities or events which most people would likely remember over time, including having sex with a sex worker, performing sex work, or having same-sex sexual relations. The fifth high-risk behavior, low condom use, however, is a significantly less memorable event and reporting may be far more subjective in nature and, consequently, potentially less accurate.
Although most participants reported low condom use both before and after migration, we observed a significant decrease in the odds of male migrants reporting low condom use after migration. However, counteractively, over this same time period, we observed increases in the odds of engaging in all 4 of the other high-risk sexual behaviors. Additionally, even if Mexican men are using condoms more frequently after migration, 62.7% of those men reported not having access to condoms when needed and 64.4% reported having at least one vaginal or anal sexual encounter over this time period where they did not use a condom. The increased condom use reported after migration suggests that Mexican migrants are susceptible to public health campaigns or interventions that promote protected safe sex practices. Although prevention efforts targeted at Latino migrants are sparse and not necessarily tailored to the population, there is some evidence that community-based organization (CBO) prevention programs in California may be successfully promoting the use of condoms among this population.26 In one study, CBOs were found to be more effective in reaching Latinos than federal and state agencies because of their greater number of bilingual staff and culturally sensitive approaches to service delivery.29 Thus, the observed decrease in the odds of male migrants reporting low condom use after migration in our study could be associated with effective CBO prevention messages coupled with access to condoms in the United States. Moreover, our sexual partner results suggest that this study population perceives different levels of risk for HIV/STIs by type of partner (main, casual, one-time, and sex work) and may use a condom accordingly. Nevertheless, the fact that most study participants reported low condom use is an indication that prevention programs need to be more prevalent, targeted, and integrated into the health services throughout migrant communities.
Our study provides substantial quantitative support for the hypothesis that the odds of Mexican men engaging in HIV high-risk behaviors increase after migration to the United States. Given our case-crossover study embedded in our targeted, venue-based survey, we have shown that migration serves as a good predictor of future HIV high-risk behavioral changes for the male Mexican migrant population. These results suggest that in the absence of effective interventions, the HIV epidemic may expand among this population in the coming years. Furthermore, given that male migrants are returning to Mexico frequently, there is the additional risk of migrants increasing HIV transmission in Mexico. Overall, the prevalence of HIV high-risk behaviors and apparent low HIV-infection rates in the general Latino migrant population remain a paradox that has been documented elsewhere.7,30 Results from our study show an almost exclusively Latino sexual network among the study participants. It is possible that the Latino sexual and needle-sharing migrant networks may currently lack the threshold number of HIV-infected individuals to propel the HIV epidemic, despite the prevalence of HIV high-risk behaviors. In addition, the condom use reported with higher-risk sexual partners (67.2% with one-time partners and 91.4 % with sex work partners) in our study may reflect the success of prevention messages and further explain this paradox. However, it is also possible that new HIV infections in Latino migrants are not being detected by current HIV surveillance programs. Non–US-born Latinos are currently at the forefront of populations who test late for HIV.31,32 Our analysis additionally identified subgroups of the migrant population in which the effects of migration are particularly pronounced. These subgroups include those male migrants who have been living or working in the United States for more than 5 years, those from the youngest age cohort, and those in male work venues and high-risk behavior venues. These results suggest targeting HIV prevention interventions and health and diagnostic services to these male subgroups and male-dominated venues where this hard-to-reach population is concentrated.
HUMAN PARTICIPANT PROTECTION
The questionnaire, consent forms and procedures, and study design were approved by the Committee on Human Research at the University of California, San Francisco and by the Committee for the Protection of Human Subjects, California Health and Human Services Agency. In addition, all procedures followed were in accordance with the Helsinki Declaration of 1975, as revised in 2000.
The authors would like to thank the individuals who participated and communities that participated in their study. This study is a product of the California-Mexico AIDS Initiative, a collaboration between federal, state, and local agencies in the United States and in Mexico. Primary partners are the California HIV/AIDS Research Program, University of California, Office of the President; the Office of AIDS, California Department of Public Health; and the Centro Nacional para la Prevención y el Control del VIH/SIDA e ITS, Secretaría de Salud, México. Other partner agencies include the Sexually Transmitted Disease Control Branch, California Department of Public Health; the Public Health Laboratory, County of San Diego; Vista Community Clinic; Bi-National AIDS Advocacy Project; Planned Parenthood Mar Monte; the Health and Human Services Agency, County of San Diego; the Department of Community Health, County of Fresno; the Latino Center for Medical Education and Research, University of California, San Francisco at Fresno; and the Health Initiative of the Americas, University of California, Berkeley.
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Keywords:© 2012 Lippincott Williams & Wilkins, Inc.
Mexican migrant; HIV; high-risk behaviors; migration; case-crossover study